Applied Medical Anthropology
This is the use of methods and theories of anthropologists applied to health care interventions (Joralemon 2010: 137). Complex sociocultural factors that interfere with patient care and patient-to-physician relationships are addressed through applied anthropology (Joralemon 2010: 95). Many work for government supported projects but non-government organizations play a major role for employment for applied anthropologists (Joralemon 2010: 92). They depend “on organizations, educational or training institutions for medical, nursing, and other health related personnel for employment” rather than academic employment at universities (http://omnivoyage.org/Anthropology_of_healing.htm#10).
Critical Medical Anthropology
This type of medical anthropology questions how much involvement of wealth, power, and division of labor have on accessibility to health care and disease exposure. This focuses more on the socioeconomic and political attachments to health care (Joralemon 2010: 10). When looking at socioeconomic status in relation to personal health "the first relationship is between health and wealth, the second concerns improving health status regardless of that relationship" (Bruder 2002: 34).
The Differences
Differences in thought processes between applied and critical medical anthropologists is best illustrated through an example of Edward Wellin’s 1955 research, on the south coast of Peru.
The problem at hand was to prevent an outbreak of typhoid, cholera, and other waterborne diseases by having locals boil their drinking water. A “community hygiene worker” was put into an area to demonstrate and educate to the locals. After two years, only 26 out of 200 families, in Los Molinos, were boiling their water (Joralemon 2010: 89). Wellin was called in to assist in finding reasons why numbers of cooperation were so low. Wellin interviewed and used ethnographic surveys, these surveys look at potential reasons why there would be resistance from a community (Joralemon 2010: 90). He concluded that noncompliance was occurring because the community:
1. Had beliefs regarding extremes in water temperature changes. Too hot or too cold water will throw off an individual’s internal equilibrium, resulting in disease.
2. Had class barriers present that subdued the hard work of the hygiene worker. Responding to people within one’s own class appears to be the most successful with education and participation.
3. Had a negative perception of the community hygiene worker. Views were that the worker was “snoopy” and did not understand the worker’s intentions while being in their community because there was no medicine brought or diagnoses being done (Joralemon 2010: 89).
It was noted the hygiene worker was only given basic environmental sanitation information and communicable disease information. No information was provided about the town’s way of living, culture, religious beliefs and practices, medicine views, and health care beliefs and rituals. Wellin proceeded the problem by getting to know the community using ethnography, observations, and gaining knowledge prior to entering the community (Joralemon 2010: 89). After accomplishing this, he could teach health benefits of boiling water without intruding on their culture, beliefs, and community setting; this is the use of an applied medical anthropologist.
Critical anthropologists would look at this example and question why the people were subjected to such living conditions, related to socioeconomic statuses. They would view typhoid, cholera, and the other waterborne diseases as the secondary issue (Bruder 2002: 35).
Critical and Applied medical anthropology's relevance to "the resolution in health and healthcare problems" (Joralemon 2010: 88)
A question that some people may ask is, what is the relevance of using these critical and applied medical anthropologists to assisting with healthcare problems and finding solutions?
Medical anthropologists have much to contribute towards the resolution to health and healthcare problems. After World War II, when the Marshall Plan took action in the United States, the emergence of applied medical anthropology came about. There have been difficulties for medical anthropologists to “justify their presence” for many years (Joralemon 2010: 98). Then, in 1966, critical medical anthropologists emerged after Mexican anthropologist, Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, focused on the “conservatism of applied anthropologists” (Joralemon 2010: 98). Throughout the years there have been different U.S. presidents, government and non-government organization funding changes, and changes of employment needs for this profession.
Their relevance in the health care field is vital when dealing with various cultures, religions, politics, and languages. They utilize the unique approach in their communities of study called participation observation. This approach brings a resolution, one of which can only be performed by professional medical anthropologists. To resolve a problem, they must first understand the beginning of the health problem, but ultimately understand how this problem affects the local community, how they view it, and how they are dealing with it. Next, is forming an understanding of how to help the situation without interfering with their cultural norm or way of living. Next, is analyzing any and all information gained, followed by interpreting how to approach the situation/health problem at hand. They are not trying to deviate people from their social norm, but to form an understanding of what they know and how they view things so they can treat thoroughly (Joralemon 2010: 8).
This is the use of methods and theories of anthropologists applied to health care interventions (Joralemon 2010: 137). Complex sociocultural factors that interfere with patient care and patient-to-physician relationships are addressed through applied anthropology (Joralemon 2010: 95). Many work for government supported projects but non-government organizations play a major role for employment for applied anthropologists (Joralemon 2010: 92). They depend “on organizations, educational or training institutions for medical, nursing, and other health related personnel for employment” rather than academic employment at universities (http://omnivoyage.org/Anthropology_of_healing.htm#10).
Critical Medical Anthropology
This type of medical anthropology questions how much involvement of wealth, power, and division of labor have on accessibility to health care and disease exposure. This focuses more on the socioeconomic and political attachments to health care (Joralemon 2010: 10). When looking at socioeconomic status in relation to personal health "the first relationship is between health and wealth, the second concerns improving health status regardless of that relationship" (Bruder 2002: 34).
The Differences
Differences in thought processes between applied and critical medical anthropologists is best illustrated through an example of Edward Wellin’s 1955 research, on the south coast of Peru.
The problem at hand was to prevent an outbreak of typhoid, cholera, and other waterborne diseases by having locals boil their drinking water. A “community hygiene worker” was put into an area to demonstrate and educate to the locals. After two years, only 26 out of 200 families, in Los Molinos, were boiling their water (Joralemon 2010: 89). Wellin was called in to assist in finding reasons why numbers of cooperation were so low. Wellin interviewed and used ethnographic surveys, these surveys look at potential reasons why there would be resistance from a community (Joralemon 2010: 90). He concluded that noncompliance was occurring because the community:
1. Had beliefs regarding extremes in water temperature changes. Too hot or too cold water will throw off an individual’s internal equilibrium, resulting in disease.
2. Had class barriers present that subdued the hard work of the hygiene worker. Responding to people within one’s own class appears to be the most successful with education and participation.
3. Had a negative perception of the community hygiene worker. Views were that the worker was “snoopy” and did not understand the worker’s intentions while being in their community because there was no medicine brought or diagnoses being done (Joralemon 2010: 89).
It was noted the hygiene worker was only given basic environmental sanitation information and communicable disease information. No information was provided about the town’s way of living, culture, religious beliefs and practices, medicine views, and health care beliefs and rituals. Wellin proceeded the problem by getting to know the community using ethnography, observations, and gaining knowledge prior to entering the community (Joralemon 2010: 89). After accomplishing this, he could teach health benefits of boiling water without intruding on their culture, beliefs, and community setting; this is the use of an applied medical anthropologist.
Critical anthropologists would look at this example and question why the people were subjected to such living conditions, related to socioeconomic statuses. They would view typhoid, cholera, and the other waterborne diseases as the secondary issue (Bruder 2002: 35).
Critical and Applied medical anthropology's relevance to "the resolution in health and healthcare problems" (Joralemon 2010: 88)
A question that some people may ask is, what is the relevance of using these critical and applied medical anthropologists to assisting with healthcare problems and finding solutions?
Medical anthropologists have much to contribute towards the resolution to health and healthcare problems. After World War II, when the Marshall Plan took action in the United States, the emergence of applied medical anthropology came about. There have been difficulties for medical anthropologists to “justify their presence” for many years (Joralemon 2010: 98). Then, in 1966, critical medical anthropologists emerged after Mexican anthropologist, Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, focused on the “conservatism of applied anthropologists” (Joralemon 2010: 98). Throughout the years there have been different U.S. presidents, government and non-government organization funding changes, and changes of employment needs for this profession.
Their relevance in the health care field is vital when dealing with various cultures, religions, politics, and languages. They utilize the unique approach in their communities of study called participation observation. This approach brings a resolution, one of which can only be performed by professional medical anthropologists. To resolve a problem, they must first understand the beginning of the health problem, but ultimately understand how this problem affects the local community, how they view it, and how they are dealing with it. Next, is forming an understanding of how to help the situation without interfering with their cultural norm or way of living. Next, is analyzing any and all information gained, followed by interpreting how to approach the situation/health problem at hand. They are not trying to deviate people from their social norm, but to form an understanding of what they know and how they view things so they can treat thoroughly (Joralemon 2010: 8).